One seldom noted sentence (updated 12/23)

” I had protested against this line all the day before to Genl Ewell & Genl Lee thought it extremely objectionable but Rodes & Johnson having made their breastworks insisted they could hold it” (puntuation, or lack thereof, is as it was written)

Those words were written by Col. Thomas Carter to his wife in a letter written on May 24, 1864. He was describing how on the 11th of May he had complained to General Ewell about how defective the salient line was. Also that General Lee felt the same way. He went on to add that the shape of the line was so bad that when Upton broke thru on the 10th he had had to move guns out in front of the works. Otherwise he was unable to bring guns to bear on Upton’s men during the famous attack that bears his name.

The interesting point is that he mentions Generals Rodes and Johnson as the main proponents of holding the existing line. Typically we hear of General Ewell as being the chief advocate for holding the line, not the division commanders. Also that the line was considered safe with artillery support. Yet here we clearly have the commander of the artillery within the salient not just criticizing the line but his ability to support the line. (1) In truth I believe that he was referring to his ability to support certain portions of the line. Surely the area around the apex of the salient was well covered by artillery. Yet the Federals had located the point that he could not effectively support and exploited it.

Anyway another interesting tidbit to digest. Unfortunately Carter does not make clear the time of the conversation or meeting where the division commanders expressed their views. My personal feeling is that there were several throughout the day, and this is likely early in the day. And did they just express those views to Carter? Or did they also expess them to Ewell and/or Lee as well?  There have been, to my knowledge, no documents uncovered to specify the time.   But again its an interesting sentence which challenges our understanding of the events.

Little was Carter to know it at the time of his complaining, but his words would have consequences the following day.

(1) In fairness it must be pointed out that Carter wrote in the same letter: “Had they been in position they would have driven back the enemy as was done the day the day before at the same point”.

 

Posted in 1864, American Civil War, artillery in the Overland Campaign, Battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse, Earthworks and trenchs, field fortifications, Johnson's Division, May 12, Overland Campaign 1864, Uncategorized, West Angle | Tagged | Leave a comment

“Pop, Pop, Pop”

IMG_00000024spotsy13

“Pop, Pop, Pop,” those words were written by Brig. Gen. James Walker, commander of the Stonewall Brigade in May of 1864. What the General was evidently attempting to explain at least partly explain the ineffectiveness of the Confederate defense the morning of May 12, 1864. To do so he was describing  the sound that he had heard during the moments, perhaps minutes, before the Federal troops poured over the Confederate earthworks in the Salient. The distinctive sound was made by the misfiring of the muskets of the Confederate infantry. This was supposedly due to the dampness of the weather that had persisted throughout the night and into the morning. As a result of this dampness despite the primer cap exploding it failed to ignite the black powder behind the ball. Therefore the  weather had such an effect on the weapons that it supposedly virtually disarmed the men and left them powerless to repel the overwhelming numbers of Federals approaching then coming over the works.

Those words then became the basis for one of the most enduring stories regarding the events of the morning of May 12, 1864. The events of that day  made up what was at the same time one of the darkest, and most glorious days of Robert E. Lee’s army. And since it is such an enduring story lets take a look at it.

Gen. Walker’s actually statement was: ” Then the moment for the Confederate fire had come, and the men, rising to their full height, leveled their trusty muskets deliberately at the halting column, with a practiced aim which would have carried havoc into their ranks. But the searching damp had disarmed them, and instead of the leaping line of fire and the sharp crack of the muskets came the pop! pop! pop! of exploding caps as the hammer fell upon them. Their powder was damp, and with their muzzle-loading muskets their was no help for them. A few, very few, pieces fired clear; but fresh caps on most of them only produced another failure. A muzzle-loading musket with damp powder behind the ball is as useless to a soldier in an emergency like that as a walking cane. (1)

view from eastern leg of the salient

View today from artillery position at the extreme right of the Eastern leg of the salient

While Gen. Walker’s account is the most widely known he did have at least some support from others who were in the Salient that morning. Lieutenant W.S. Archer of the 48th Virginia, Witcher’s Brigade was out on the picket line that morning.  While not directly in the path of Hancock’s advance his regiment saw that the picket line near the Landrum House had been quickly overwhelmed. Seeing the odds against them, Col. Witcher, (2) led Archer  along with most of his regiment on a circuitous route back to the salient. Entering somewhere to the east of the East angle he led his men back up the interior of the salient toward the regiments original position. (3) Looking back on the experience Lieutenant Archer wrote: “The fire of Steuart’s men in line of battle did not have the force of a hotly contested skirmish. The penetrating mist which had been falling all night had wet the powder in the tubes, and the guns could not be fired.”  (4)

Later in Gen. Walker’s account where he lamented the Stonewall Brigades malfunctioning weapons he said: “This statement as to of the failure of the muskets of our men to fire is true as to that portion of our line between the Stonewall Brigade and the salient, which was as far as my vision extended, but I have been informed by officers of Jones Brigade that the right of that brigade had been more careful or more fortunate, and their muskets were in good order, and that the enemy was repulsed in front of that portion of our lines with great loss, and that they held their position, until the enemy’s troops, who had crossed to their left, had swung round in the rear and came up behind our lines.” (5)

In the 3rd North Carolina of Steuart’s Brigade, one of the company commanders took the precaution of having his men disassemble and clean  their weapons while waiting for the suspected attack.

Perhaps such difficulties extended beyond the infantry. In a letter to his former battalion commander, Wilfred Cutshaw, Samuel H. Hawes wrote: ” They were within about 15 or 20 steps of us, when I ordered our Parrott gun turned upon them (inside our works) and gave them canister in their faces at head of column. The smoke from the gun fell and obscured everything! Before it fairly lifted they were upon us and we were prisoners. We only had time for one shot from that gun! I called upon the infantry lying in the trenches to “get up and shoot”, which they refused to do! Lieut D. at the gun on our right, fired a shot from his gun at another body of the enemy, but in trying for another his gun was choked”. (6)


 

While these officers told a story of helplessness and frustration they were far from being the majority.  In fact when reading accounts of the battle remarkably few if any of the rest of the participants  mentioned any difficulties with the weapons. A small sample of the accounts are given below.

Lieutenant Thomas Doyle of Co. E, 33rd Va. wrote in his memoirs that: ” About 12 P.M. it commenced to rain and continued all night making the trenches a most uncomfortable place, but thanks to the excellent tent-flies so abundantly supplied by the 6th Federal Corps in the Wilderness, the men were ably to keep tolerably dry. Orders were given during the night to all the company officers to be on the alert and in the event of an attack……”

Robert Barton, a staff officer in the Stonewall Brigade,  wrote that he and Gen. Walker slept side by side the night of the 11th/12th. He added: “A heavy mist overhung everything and through it we could hardly see one hundred yards. But succeeding the cheers, we, little by little perceived the advancing line, rather a broken line, but still an ugly rush. Our men opened a vigorous fire, and all along the line from our left and centre up to the right, where the fatal salient stood, some three hundred yards distant, the crack of musketry kept up.”

James L. McCown , 5th Virginia Infantry, Stonewall Brigade wrote : “We were ordered to reserve our fire until near enough to tell on them with effect. Then how warmly we gave it to them.”..

Pvt. William P. Snakenburg, of Co. K, 14th Louisiana Inf which was between the Stonewall and the East Angle wrote : “About the time we were ready to start for the skirmish line, those on the line commenced firing very fast and soon came running into the works, saying that the enemy was advancing. We went into the works but on account of the very heavy fog we could not for some time see anything, but waited until all the skirmish line had got in our works and the enemy had come near enough to be seen , we commenced firing on them.” (7)

Snakenberg added: ” I was on the parapit and fired a number of times, as those of my company behind me kept loading and passing up their guns.”

Part of the reason for the unevenness of the fire of Steuart’s Brigade may rest with Steuart himself. He mistook the advancing Federals for his skirmishers returning. As a result he actually ordered the artillery of Reese’s battery to cease-fire. How much this effected the infantry is unknown.

Equally telling is the deafening silence about the matter from the Union side. The men of Hancock’s strike force had first to endure a miserable march from the right of the line to the assembly area around the Brown House. Then the lay out in the woods and fields without fires for hours awaiting the orders to fall in and step off to the attack. Certainly they had time to prepare but even so they were at least as exposed to the elements as the Confederates, probably more so. Yet, in none of their accounts is there a mention of malfunctioning firearms.

So were the firearms the factor that Gen. Walker claimed?  Given the number of Confederates captured that morning perhaps we don’t have a good sample of the participants. Or, perhaps once a soldier was able to fire the first shot it was no longer a issue. Therefore would be forgotten, lost in the events of the day. Yet there would seem to be major reason to  doubt that the weapons were a major problem. However if not then what was the source of the sound that Gen. Walker describes? Almost certainly it was the firing of primers only. Why primers only?

First lets ask what would be the standard practice for troops in a defensive position with a picket line well out, 800 yards in this case, in front. They were probably not in the trenches during the hours of darkness as there was no threat from sharpshooters. We know, for example,that the Stonewall was relatively dry, sleeping in tents captured at the Wilderness.  Others, veterans of sleeping in the open would have fashioned means of keeping dry. The trenches of course would have slowly become mud holes a very uncomfortable pace to be. Would the men’s weapons even have been loaded? With a picket line out front there was no immediate danger. And loaded weapons always increase the likelihood of accidents. So perhaps the weapons weren’t loaded during the night.

If the weapons hadn’t been loaded overnight than what about the sound? A standard practice for clearing a musket of the time would be to place a cap on the nipple and pull the trigger. The flash from the exploding primer would travel through the nipple into and up the barrel. The heat and force would dry and expel any moisture or residue in the barrel. The soldier could then load and fire the weapon as normal.  Since the standard of performance was 3 rounds per minute for a trained soldier this was obviously no great effort. In 20 seconds an approaching enemy would not travel more than about 50 yards.

It is perhaps worth pointing out that the General did not say that HIS men had a problem. Rather it was down towards the East Angle, where the Louisianians and Witcher’s left should have been. Also it is worth remembering that Gen. Walker was severely wounded in the arm relatively early that morning and left the field.

So, is it possible that an abnormal number of weapons did misfire that morning. Certainly it is possible, but I leave it to the reader to decide whether it was the issue that it has been made out to be.

(1)  SHSP vol 22 page 235: Brig. Gen. Walker has taken up a position on a traverse beside the right hand gun of Carrington’s Battery. From there he could see not only down the line toward the East Angle but observe the advancing Federals as well. Walker was wounded shortly afterward as he was talking to Capt. Carrington. The gunshot wound in his arm incapacitated him and he was taken from the field.

(2) Col. William Witcher was commander of the 48th Va. of Jones Brigade. However when Col. John C. Higginbotham, of the 25th Va., was killed during Upton’s attack on the 10th as senior regimental commander Witcher assumed command.  It seems odd that a Brigade commander, even an acting one, would be on the picket line rather than in the trenches. Did this absence prevent the remaining Virginians from spreading out along the line that morning? There is no evidence either way, other than comments about gaps in the line near the east Angle.

(3) Archer and the 48th Virginia were out on the picket line that morning. He and most of the regiment were able to make, by a circuitous route, back into the salient. How far along the eastern face is uncertain. Some writers place them as coming back through Heth’s line. Perhaps some of them did. However for Archer to have time to get back almost to the regiments original position before the Federals poured over the works make this appear doubtful. Coming back up the salient got allegedly within about 70 yards of the regiments former position in the line. So he had already seen the size of the Federal force.

(4) The initial engagement appears to be between the right of Jones/Witcher and Steuart’s brigades and the extreme left of Barlow’s Federals. These men had missed  the apex of the salient and passed across the Confederate front. They were met by both musketry and artillery.

(5) Lieutenants Hawes and Deas commanded the two 3 inch rifles of Fry’s battery that returned to the salient that morning. The other two guns and Captain Fry had been detached as escorts of a wagon train. Lt. Deas was shot and severely wounded that morning. The letter from Hawes to Maj. Cutshaw was written Oct. 7, 1905.

(6) Memoirs of W.P. Snakenberg, Wilson, North Carolina Private, Louisiana Tigers”. The 14th La. had been part of Stafford’s Brigade until his death at the Wilderness. They were consolidated with Hay’s Brigade en route to Spotsylvania. On the 11th Hay’s original Brigade was moved to Dole’s Salient. Evidently the gap was not filled until the remaining Louisianan’s were ordered to spread out while the Federals were advancing on the Salient. Whether they, or for that matter Witcher’s men on the other side of the East Angle, actually did so is not known. With the movement of Haye’s/Monaghan’s Brigade to Doles Salient the previous day, at least one of Stafford/York’s Louisiana regiments on picket, three of Witcher’s regiments out of the line plus the artillery there were precious few Confederates in the trenches that morning.

 

Posted in Battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse, Battle of the Muleshoe, Bloody Angle, Earthworks and trenchs, Hancock's assault on the Muleshoe, Johnson's Division, May 12, Mule Shoe, Overland Campaign 1864, West Angle | Tagged , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

A Prophetic Dispatch

View in front of the Confederate lines between the East and West Angles. Probably the Louisiana Brigades area.

View in front of the Confederate lines between the East and West Angles. Probably the Louisiana Brigades area.

Doing some much-needed sorting this morning and I noticed a dispatch that in hindsight can be viewed as ironic, or perhaps prophetic. While not about the Mule Shoe directly I thought I would share it.

Headquarters,                                                                                                                                           May 7, 1864 – 10:30 a.m.

Lieut. Gen. R. S. Ewell,                                                                                                                                                        Commanding, &c.:

GENERAL: General Lee directs me to say that the Richmond Dispatch, of yesterday, contains extracts from a Northern paper which state that the United States Government has acceded to the demand of the Pennsylvania troops to be discharged at the expiration of three years from the date of their muster into the State service, instead of the United States service, and that 5,000 men will thus be lost to Grant’s army. It is said that the time of their discharge is to-day, but the general does not know certainly. Some two-years men were captured at Chancellorsville last year whose term of service expired a few days after the battle, and it may be that the three-years men enlisted at the same time. The general thinks it best to bear this in mind, to avoid being mislead by movements to the rear. I inclose the latest from General Stuart.                                                                                                             very respectfully, your obedient servant,                                                                                                                                                                C. Marshall                                                                                                                       Lieutenant-Colonel and Aide-de-Camp.

OR Series I, Vol. 36

Interesting that a few days later General Lee himself would be mislead by wagons and ambulances on their way to Fredericksburg

 

 

Posted in American Civil War, Battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse, Battle of the Muleshoe, Earthworks and trenchs, field fortifications, Hancock's assault on the Muleshoe, Overland Campaign 1864, Uncategorized | Tagged , , , , , | Leave a comment

“Walker’s and Long’s are exhausted”

Following along with the last post on the Confederate ammunition supply here is another item from the same period. Please excuse the quality of the scan.

Letter from Pendelton to Alexander evening of May 18, 1864.

Letter from Pendelton to Alexander evening of May 18, 1864.

The interesting point here is that Alexander is being called on to move guns to support the Third Corps. Pendelton expressing the opinion that both the Second and Third Corps reserves are exhausted. Also that if Alexander couldn’t find Lindsey Walker, he could go directly to the battalion commander in the area, Richardson and work out the details.

Also that the artillery commanders of all the corps, along with Martin Smith, were cooperating at least to some extent on the defenses.

An interesting document which tells us a bit about the stress the army was under during those days.

 

Posted in artillery in the Overland Campaign, Battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse, Earthworks and trenchs, field fortifications, Mule Shoe, Overland Campaign 1864 | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

Artillery used like shotguns – the Confederate Ammunition Supply at Spotsylvania

View from the left of the East Angle.

A peaceful view today. The view the Louisiana troops would have had from these works.

It has been said that at Spotsylvania the Confederates used their artillery like giant shotguns. Short ranges and the need to add power to the infantry line necessitated just that. The guns by and large were in the trenches, firing against massed infantry at generally only a few hundred yards.

Perhaps the records can shed some light on this one way or another. Below is a table, taken from the Official Records, showing the amount of artillery ammunition remaining in the ANV ordnance trains on May 18, 1864.

What is interesting about this table is the distribution of rounds, by type, remaining in each Corps trains. Remember this is not the number at the actual batteries. We can assume that the ammo chests for those guns were kept as full as possible. We can also assume that each battalion had a supply of sorts on hand. What that supply consisted of,if it existed at all, we do not know. But once those rounds were fired, whats listed in this table is all that’s available until a new supply arrived from Richmond.

Artillery Ammunition in ANV Ordnance trains May 18, 1864.

Artillery Ammunition in ANV Ordnance trains May 18, 1864.

In addition remember that this table is for May 18th. At dawn of that day, the Federals launched an attack with two army Corps against the Second Corps new line behind the Harrison House. This attack was quickly repelled almost entirely by the artillery. We can imagine that the 29 guns employed by General Long that morning used up a significant amount of ammunition.  At the same time the Third Corps guns had a substantial artillery duel with their opposite numbers on the Federal side. Whether this table was made before or after the batteries sent back for resupply after those actions we do not know.

Regardless, what we can surmise from looking at this table is not the number, but the type of ammunition that was being used during the battle. For the sake of argument we will assume that each Corps  started out with roughly the same number of say, Napoleon shot, when the campaign began. So what would cause a difference between Corps in the number of rounds remaining? The most logical answer would be either the terrain, shorter ranges mean more canister, or the preference of the Commander for one type over another..

The Second Corps numbers could be skewed by the loss of so many guns and their ammunition on May 12, but that would mean fewer guns to consume ammo afterwards. Also its worthwhile to note that those guns were predominantly 3 inch rifles, not Napoleons.

The thing that jumps off the page to us is the shortage of canister. 24 rounds of Napoleon canister, all in 1st and 3rd Corps. 54 rounds of 3 inch rifle canister which was all in 3rd Corps.

And of course Alexander in the 1st Corps was a strong proponent of the howitzer, thus the numbers for howitzer ammunition.

Additionally it should be noted that when the Confederates were expecting an attack on their right on the 19th, Alexander was asked to supply guns as support. The reason being that the artillery of both the Second and Third Corps was “fought out.”

I would think that one of the tasks Confederate Artillery commanders had to contend with at this point of the campaign was fire control.  Making sure that the batteries weren’t wasteful of ammunition. How much if at all it effected the battle we will probably never know.

 

Posted in American Civil War, artillery in the Overland Campaign, Battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse, Bloody Angle, Earthworks and trenchs, field fortifications, Hancock's assault on the Muleshoe, May 12, Mule Shoe, Overland Campaign 1864, Uncategorized, West Angle | Leave a comment

Artillery used like shotguns – the Confederate Ammunition Supply at Spotsylvania

View from the left of the East Angle.

A peaceful view today. The view the Louisiana troops would have had from these works.

It has been said that at Spotsylvania the Confederates used their artillery like giant shotguns. Short ranges and the need to add power to the infantries line necessitated just that. The guns by and large were in the trenches, firing against massed infantry at generally only a few hundred yards.

Perhaps the records can shed some light on this one way or another. Below is a table, taken from the Official Records, showing the amount of artillery ammunition remaining in the ANV ordnance trains on May 18, 1864.

What is interesting about this table is the distribution of rounds, by type, remaining in each Corps trains. Remember this is not the number at the actual batteries. We can assume that the ammo chests for those guns were kept as full as possible. We can also assume that each battalion had a supply of sorts on hand. What that supply consisted of,if it existed at all, we do not know. But once those rounds were fired, whats listed in this table is all that’s available until a new supply arrived from Richmond.

Artillery Ammunition in ANV Ordnance trains May 18, 1864.

Artillery Ammunition in ANV Ordnance trains May 18, 1864.

What we can surmise from looking at this table is not the number, but the type of ammunition that was being used. For the sake of argument we will assume that each corps  started out with roughly the same number of say, Napoleon shot, when the campaign began. So what would cause a difference in the number remaining?

The Second Corps numbers could be skewed by the loss of so many guns and their ammunition on May 12, but that would mean less guns to consume ammo afterwards.

The thing that jumps off the page to us is the shortage of canister. 24 rounds of napoleon canister, all in 1st and 3rd Corps. 54 rounds of 3 inch rifle canister that was all in 3rd Corps.

And of course Alexander in the 1st Corps was a strong proponent of the howitzer, thus the numbers for howitzer ammunition.

I would think that one of the tasks Confederate Artillery commanders had to contend with at this point of the campaign was fire control.  Making sure that the batteries weren’t wasteful of ammunition. How much if at all it effected the battle we will probably never know.

 

Posted in American Civil War, artillery in the Overland Campaign, Battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse, Bloody Angle, Earthworks and trenchs, field fortifications, Hancock's assault on the Muleshoe, May 12, Mule Shoe, Overland Campaign 1864, Uncategorized, West Angle | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

It Wasn’t the Only Time

The perception is that the withdrawal of the bulk of the artillery from General Johnson’;s line on the evening of May 11th was a unique event.IMG_00000038However, this is not the case at all. All five of the artillery battalions spent some time along the lines of either Rodes or Johnson’s divisions. Generally speaking after two days they were replaced by another battalion. These reliefs were generally, although not always, made in the early morning hours.

But on the afternoon of May 10th Upton’s attack so threatened Nelson’s battalion,which held positions between the West and East Angles, that the guns were withdrawn during the action to prevent their capture. Even though Upton was repulsed the batteries  went back to the camps behind the Courthouse for the night. The removal of these batteries from their positions while the infantry from Steuart’s and Jone’s Brigades were simultaneously being moved from the right of the Salient to positions near or along the McCoull Lane caused a lot of confusion and delay.

The following morning the batteries returned to their original positions.

One has to wonder whether the experience played a part in the decision to withdraw the two battalions out that afternoon before Johnson’s infantry moved.

Posted in 1864, American Civil War, artillery in the Overland Campaign, Battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse, Battle of the Muleshoe, Bloody Angle, Earthworks and trenchs, field fortifications, Hancock's assault on the Muleshoe, May 12, Mule Shoe, Overland Campaign 1864, Page's Battalion, Steuart's Brigade, Upton's Charge, West Angle | Tagged , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment